Some California ballot measures feel obviously partisan. Others seem technocratic, procedural, or purely policy-driven. And occasionally, a measure that appears narrow or technical ends up sorting voters almost perfectly along party lines.
The table below ranks California statewide ballot measures from 2014–2025 by how strongly city-level voting patterns aligned with partisan registration. The “% Explained by Party” column shows how much of the difference in how cities voted can be accounted for by how Democratic or Republican the city is. Higher values mean partisan registration is a stronger predictor of the vote.
| Rank | Proposition | Year | % Explained by Party | Yes Vote |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 |
Proposition 50 Congressional Redistricting
|
2025 | 96% | 64.4% |
| 2 |
Proposition 15 Property Tax to Fund Schools, Government Services
|
2020 | 92% | 48.0% |
| 3 |
Proposition 16 Affirmative Action in Government Decisions
|
2020 | 92% | 42.8% |
| 4 |
Proposition 18 17-year-old Primary Voting Rights
|
2020 | 89% | 44.0% |
| 5 |
Proposition 1 Bonds to Fund Veteran & Affordable Housing
|
2018 | 89% | 56.2% |
| 6 |
Proposition 17 Restores Right to Vote After Prison Term
|
2020 | 88% | 58.6% |
| 7 |
Proposition 58 English Proficiency. Multilingual Education.
|
2016 | 88% | 73.5% |
| 8 |
Proposition 14 Bonds to Continue Stem Cell Research
|
2020 | 88% | 51.1% |
| 9 |
Proposition 4 Bonds for Water, Wildfire, and Climate Risks
|
2024 | 87% | 59.8% |
| 10 |
Proposition 32 Raises Minimum Wage
|
2024 | 87% | 49.3% |
| 11 |
Proposition 13 Bonds for School and College Facilities
|
2020 | 85% | 47.0% |
| 12 |
Proposition 28 Public School Arts and Music Education Funding
|
2022 | 85% | 64.4% |
| 13 |
Proposition 6 Eliminates Forcing Inmates to Work
|
2024 | 83% | 46.7% |
| 14 |
Proposition 1 Bonds for Mental Health Treatment Facilities
|
2024 | 83% | 50.2% |
| 15 |
Proposition 2 Amend Existing Housing Program for Mental Illness
|
2018 | 82% | 63.4% |
| 16 |
Proposition 52 Medi-Cal Hospital Fee Program
|
2016 | 79% | 70.1% |
| 17 |
Proposition 4 Bond for Children's Hospital Construction
|
2018 | 78% | 62.7% |
| 18 |
Proposition 55 Tax Extension for Education and Healthcare
|
2016 | 77% | 63.3% |
| 19 |
Proposition 22 App-Based Drivers and Employee Benefits
|
2020 | 76% | 58.6% |
| 20 |
Proposition 21 Expands Governments' Authority to Rent Control
|
2020 | 75% | 40.1% |
| 21 |
Proposition 68 Parks and Water Projects Bond
|
2018 | 75% | 57.4% |
| 22 |
Proposition 2 Bonds for Public School and College Facilities
|
2024 | 75% | 58.7% |
| 23 |
Proposition 10 Rental Control on Residential Property
|
2018 | 74% | 40.6% |
| 24 |
Proposition 25 Eliminates Money Bail System
|
2020 | 73% | 43.6% |
| 25 |
Proposition 5 Bonds for Affordable Housing and Infrastructure
|
2024 | 72% | 45.0% |
| 26 |
Proposition 61 State Prescription Drug Purchase Standards
|
2016 | 71% | 46.8% |
| 27 |
Proposition 23 Dialysis Clinic Requirements
|
2020 | 71% | 36.6% |
| 28 |
Proposition 6 Repeal of Fuel Tax
|
2018 | 70% | 43.2% |
| 29 |
Proposition 1 Constitutional Right to Reproductive Freedom
|
2022 | 70% | 66.9% |
| 30 |
Proposition 51 K-12 and Community College Facilities
|
2016 | 69% | 55.2% |
| 31 |
Proposition 19 Changes Certain Property Tax Rules
|
2020 | 67% | 51.1% |
| 32 |
Proposition 20 Parole Restrictions for Certain Offenses
|
2020 | 66% | 38.3% |
| 33 |
Proposition 30 Tax to Fund ZEV/Wildfire Programs
|
2022 | 65% | 42.4% |
| 34 |
Proposition 12 Farm Animals Confinement Standards
|
2018 | 64% | 62.7% |
| 35 |
Proposition 41 Veterans Housing Bonds
|
2014 | 63% | 65.4% |
| 36 |
Proposition 57 Criminal Sentences & Juvenile Crime Proceedings
|
2016 | 62% | 64.5% |
| 37 |
Proposition 3 Bond for Water and Environmental Projects
|
2018 | 62% | 49.3% |
| 38 |
Proposition 63 Firearms and Ammunition Sales
|
2016 | 61% | 63.1% |
| 39 |
Proposition 62 Repeal of Death Penalty
|
2016 | 61% | 46.8% |
| 40 |
Proposition 45 Healthcare Insurance Rate Changes
|
2014 | 61% | 41.1% |
| 41 |
Proposition 56 Cigarette Tax
|
2016 | 60% | 64.4% |
| 42 |
Proposition 31 Prohibition on Sale of Certain Tobacco Products
|
2022 | 59% | 63.4% |
| 43 |
Proposition 3 Constitutional Right to Marriage
|
2024 | 57% | 62.6% |
| 44 |
Proposition 35 Provides Permanent Funding for Medi-Cal
|
2024 | 55% | 67.9% |
| 45 |
Proposition 29 Regulates Kidney Dialysis Clinics
|
2022 | 55% | 31.6% |
| 46 |
Proposition 59 Corporate Political Spending Advisory Question
|
2016 | 55% | 53.2% |
| 47 |
Proposition 8 Regulates Kidney Dialysis Treatment Charges
|
2018 | 55% | 40.1% |
| 48 |
Proposition 24 Amends Consumer Privacy Laws
|
2020 | 55% | 56.2% |
| 49 |
Proposition 47 Criminal Sentences, Misdemeanor Penalties
|
2014 | 54% | 59.6% |
| 50 |
Proposition 11 Emergency Ambulance Employees on-call
|
2018 | 53% | 59.6% |
| 51 |
Proposition 5 Senior Property Reduction
|
2018 | 52% | 40.2% |
| 52 |
Proposition 36 Increased Sentencing for Certain Drug and Theft Crimes
|
2024 | 50% | 68.4% |
| 53 |
Proposition 66 Death Penalty Procedure Time Limits
|
2016 | 50% | 51.1% |
| 54 |
Proposition 67 Ban on Single-use Plastic Bags
|
2016 | 44% | 53.3% |
| 55 |
Proposition 65 Carryout Bag Charges
|
2016 | 42% | 46.1% |
| 56 |
Proposition 33 Local Government Residential Rent Control
|
2024 | 41% | 40.0% |
| 57 |
Proposition 46 Doctor Drug Testing, Medical Negligence
|
2014 | 38% | 33.2% |
| 58 |
Proposition 53 Voter Approval of Revenue Bonds
|
2016 | 29% | 49.4% |
| 59 |
Proposition 64 Marijuana Legalization
|
2016 | 29% | 57.1% |
| 60 |
Proposition 1 Funding Water Quality, Supply, Treatment, Storage
|
2014 | 28% | 67.1% |
| 61 |
Proposition 34 Restricts Spending of Prescription Revenues
|
2024 | 26% | 50.9% |
| 62 |
Proposition 50 Legislature Suspension Rules
|
2016 | 23% | 75.6% |
| 63 |
Proposition 71 Effective Date of Ballot Measures
|
2018 | 20% | 77.6% |
| 64 |
Proposition 26 Sports Wagering on Tribal Lands
|
2022 | 20% | 33.0% |
| 65 |
Proposition 54 Legislative Procedure Requirements
|
2016 | 19% | 65.4% |
| 66 |
Proposition 69 Transportation Taxes and Fees Allocation
|
2018 | 18% | 81.0% |
| 67 |
Proposition 42 Public Records Act and Brown Act Compliance
|
2014 | 17% | 61.8% |
| 68 |
Proposition 48 Indian Gaming Compacts Referendum
|
2014 | 13% | 39.0% |
| 69 |
Proposition 60 Adult Film Condom Requirements
|
2016 | 11% | 46.3% |
| 70 |
Proposition 2 State Budget Stabilization Account
|
2014 | 10% | 69.1% |
| 71 |
Proposition 70 Spending Rules for Cap and Trade Revenue
|
2018 | 10% | 35.3% |
| 72 |
Proposition 27 Online Sports Wagering Outside of Tribal Lands
|
2022 | 4% | 17.7% |
| 73 |
Proposition 7 Change Daylight Saving Time Period
|
2018 | 2% | 59.7% |
| 74 |
Proposition 72 Exclude Rainwater Capture Systems from Tax Assessment
|
2018 | 0% | 84.6% |
What emerges from this ranking is not just a list of “partisan” measures, but a clearer picture of why certain ballot measures behave like partisan contests while others do not.
Why Proposition 50 Ranks First
Proposition 50 (2025) sits at the top of the list for a straightforward reason: the campaign itself made partisanship the central organizing principle.
At its core, Proposition 50 dealt with congressional redistricting—an issue that is highly technical and, for most voters, difficult to evaluate on its merits. Rather than attempting to persuade voters on the mechanics of map-drawing, the Yes campaign pursued a different strategy: explicitly nationalizing the measure and framing it as a way to stand up to Donald Trump and national Republicans.
That decision effectively converted a procedural question into a partisan signal. Once that framing took hold, voting behavior aligned almost perfectly with party registration. Democratic-leaning cities supported the measure overwhelmingly; Republican-leaning cities opposed it just as consistently. The data reflects the success of that strategy, not an abstract judgment about redistricting policy itself.
In other words, Proposition 50 ranks first because it was designed to behave like a partisan contest.
When the Issue Itself Does the Work
Not every highly partisan measure required that kind of reframing. Many of the measures near the top of the list involve issues that already map cleanly onto partisan coalitions.
Taxes, property assessments, rent control, labor standards, and certain large bond measures tend to activate well-understood ideological preferences. Democratic voters are generally more supportive; Republican voters are generally more skeptical. In these cases, campaigns do not need to work particularly hard to cue partisanship—the issue itself does it for them.
That does not mean these measures are inevitable winners or losers. Several of the most partisan measures in the table failed statewide. What the ranking captures is not success, but predictability: knowing a city’s partisan makeup goes a long way toward predicting how it voted.
Why Some Measures Resist Partisan Sorting
At the other end of the table are measures that show little partisan alignment at all. Daylight Saving Time changes, rainwater capture tax exemptions, procedural budget rules, and similar issues fall into this category.
These are issues where there is no obvious “Democratic” or “Republican” answer. Voters may have opinions, but those opinions are not strongly conditioned by party identity. In these cases, voting patterns tend to cut across partisan lines, producing low alignment even when the statewide result is decisive.
This highlights an important distinction: salience is not the same as partisanship. A measure can pass with overwhelming support and still show little partisan structure if voters across the spectrum agree.
Campaigns, Information, and Partisan Heuristics
One of the most important patterns in the data is the role of campaign spending and voter information.
Party cues function as a shortcut. When voters feel uncertain about an issue—or lack the time or interest to evaluate it in detail—they often defer to partisan signals. This is especially true for complex or technical measures, where the substance is difficult to assess from the ballot title alone.
However, partisan cues matter less on ballot measures that are not ideologically legible to voters. Measures involving dialysis clinic regulation, healthcare delivery rules, or other narrowly defined regulatory changes do not map cleanly onto partisan identity for most voters.
In those cases, campaigns often invest heavily in voter education and advertising simply to explain what the measure would do. That issue-specific information competes with party cues rather than reinforcing them, producing weaker partisan alignment even in highly polarized electorates.
As a result, two measures with similar ideological stakes can look very different in this ranking depending on how much effort was made to explain the issue directly to voters.
Why Highly Partisan Measures Can Still Lose in California
California is a heavily Democratic state, but this ranking shows that strong partisan alignment does not guarantee passage.
A measure can sort very cleanly by partisan geography—performing much better in Democratic-leaning cities than in Republican-leaning ones—and still fall short statewide. That happens when partisan alignment reflects relative differences between places rather than overwhelming support within the dominant coalition.
In practical terms, some highly partisan measures generate consistent Democratic advantage without generating sufficient overall Yes votes. Republican opposition is unified, Democratic support is stronger but not universal, and the resulting coalition is large enough to show a clear partisan pattern but not large enough to win.
Decline-to-State voters matter here as well. They make up a substantial share of the electorate and are often decisive in close ballot measure contests. On issues framed as costly, complex, or uncertain, these voters frequently lean No, even when Democratic-leaning areas are more supportive.
The result is a pattern where partisanship explains how voters sorted, but not whether the measure ultimately passed.
What This Ranking Shows
This ranking does not measure policy merit or electoral wisdom. It measures structure: how closely voting behavior followed partisan lines across the state.
Seen this way, the table highlights three distinct paths ballot measures take. Some are deliberately partisanized by campaign strategy. Others are inherently partisan because of the issue itself. And some resist partisanship altogether.
For campaigns, analysts, and political observers, the takeaway is not that partisanship determines outcomes, but that it shapes the terrain on which ballot measure campaigns are fought—and that terrain varies far more than is often assumed.
Methodology note: This analysis uses city-level election results for each statewide ballot measure and compares them to partisan voter registration in the same year. Each city is assigned a partisan lean based on the difference between Democratic and Republican registration, and voting outcomes are evaluated based on how closely Yes vote share tracks that partisan composition across cities. The “% Explained by Party” metric reflects how much of the variation in city voting can be accounted for by partisan registration alone. Measures are ranked by the strength of that relationship, regardless of whether the measure ultimately passed or failed.